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The Aboriginal Newspaper of British Columbia & Yukon

Published October 11, 1999


Peace treaty signing!!

Three north coast peoples gathered in Kitimaat Village on Sept. 23 to formalize an agreement that will ensure there is a respectful process for settling any future disagreements over land and resource use within their traditional territories. The colorful ceremony saw chiefs and Elders in regalia sign the peace treaty.

Photo Credit: Jennifer Lang


Three northwest B.C. bands sign peace treaty
by Jennifer Lang

British Columbia logging issue heats up
by By Tracey K Bonneau-Jack
with files from Paul Barnsley

Province backs down: Compensation for MacBlo
by Dana Wagg

Fijian healers visit British Columbia First Nations
By Troy Hunter

Learn about the work of Bill Reid
By Yvonne Irene Gladue

On the western edge of Indian Country - column
by Keith Matthew

To:ske - It's True - column
Playing the white man's game

By Taiaiake Alfred

Here is a full list of additional stories featured in the October, 1999 issue of Raven's Eye. If you are not receiving your own copy of Raven's Eye, then you have missed all this information.

Click here for Raven's Eye subscription information.


Three northwest B.C. bands sign peace treaty

By Jennifer Lang
Raven's Eye Writer
KITIMAAT VILLAGE

A peace treaty signed by three north coast bands last month to resolve the question of overlap within their traditional territories is an agreement that represents their enduring, historical relationship, the signatories say.

Signed during day-long celebrations in Kitimaat Village Sept. 23 by the Haisla, Kitasoo/XaisXais, and the Heiltsuk First Nations, the peace treaty paves the way for managing and sharing traditional resources because it recognizes and re-confirms the ongoing relationship between the neighboring nations.

"Throughout our history we have had protocol between us that has worked for our mutual benefit," said Haisla chief negotiator Gerald Amos. "We hope that this agreement points us down the road of our ancestors."

While the peace treaty is a step towards ensuring that boundary issues won't hold up their respective treaty talks with the provincial and federal governments - something that's necessary for each to continue negotiating treaties with the provincial and federal governments - the agreement recognizes the historical cultural, economic and political ties that have existed between the three peoples since time immemorial and have ensured their economic and cultural survival.

Before Amos read the text of the agreement aloud at the signing ceremony, he told the crowd of more than 500 that he hoped the peace treaty will act as a mechanism to resolve potential conflicts.

"There is much fighting over resources," Amos said, "and we are looking to this document to enable our chiefs, our councillors and our people to come to an agreement in a fashion that might prove to the rest of the world that it is possible to co-exist in a territory such as ours."

Percy Star, chief negotiator for Kitasoo/XaisXais, told Raven's Eye how his people had always worked with neighboring communities before contact, an arrangement that lasted until his father's generation.

That special relationship of cooperation and mutual respect resulted in inter-marriages and the granting of permission to fish in a neighbor's territory when circumstances deemed necessary.

"We have agreed to start redeveloping those relationships, whether it's management for commercial purposes, or trying to make some strong effort to be heard," Star said. "When there are problems, we are going to try working together as a group."

For Star, the present-day relationship will now work in much the same way as in his ancestors' day; extending to the areas of barter and exchange, co-management of dwindling resources, such as fish and wildlife, and will encourage the communities to stand together.

"I can now feel comfortable in coming and talking to these people if I have any concerns, and to try and further our relationship in the area of trade and barter as we once did," he said.

Arlene Wilson, Chief Councillor for the Heiltsuk Tribal Council, said the treaty recognizes territorial ties and kinship ties. "We look forward to working together with our neighbours and families to implement the peace treaty," Wilson said.

Along with a large delegation of hereditary chiefs and Heiltsuk band members from Bella Bella who arrived by boat, nearly 80 Kitasoo/XaisXais made a 12-and-a-half hour journey north from Klemtu to Kitimaat on two fishing boats to attend the signing ceremony.
At 9 a.m. Haisla canoes met Heiltsuk and Kitasoo/XaisXais representatives at the breakwater at the Kitimaat boat landing Sept. 23, where their canoes were welcomed onto the shores of Kitimaat Village for the historic gathering.

Delegates and well-wishers from as far away as Haida Gwaii, Terrace, Prince Rupert, and the Nass Valley were also on hand for the celebration, held at the Kitimaat Recreation Centre in the afternoon, and followed by a feast in the evening.

"It's a great and necessary step forward for our people," observed Tsimshian chief negotiator Gerald Wesley. He said the peace treaty means the Kitasoo, at the Tsimshian treaty table, have taken another step towards ensuring that boundary issues won't be a barrier when it comes to finalizing treaties with the provincial and federal governments.
Wesley said the agreement also lays the groundwork for how the Kitasoo/XaisXais and their coastal neighbours will work together in the years to come.

"It will ensure our nation of people respect each other's traditional territories, and how we share resources and how we manage these resources in the future."

The Heiltsuk and Kitasoo/XaisXais Nations signed a bi-lateral peace treaty agreement in 1996, but it wasn't until May of 1999 that all three signatories of this peace treaty sat down to discuss their proposals and work out an agreement, said Kitimaat Village Councillor Ken Hall.

It's expected that more bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements between the signatories and their neighbours will be reached as the treaty process continues.


British Columbia logging issue heats up

By Tracey K Bonneau-Jack
with files from Paul Barnsley
Raven's Eye Writer
KELOWNA

As the battle lines are drawn over resource extraction from traditional Native lands, it appears the unity that First Nation people in the province of British Columbia have been searching for has become a reality.

In a region where Native politics have traditionally been split - frequently with great animosity - along the line of those who support the idea of treaty-making with the province and those who don't, all the factions have been united behind the actions of one Interior band.

Westbank First Nation's chief and council, in a move they say was aimed at "creating jobs and economic fairness," ordered their loggers into the woods on September 7. Their job was to harvest 25 hectares of timber in what is known to them as Okanagan Nation traditional territory. Under the provincial system, the land was open for bid later in the year and is not yet covered by a provincial timber license. Those licenses are issued by the Ministry of Forests.

Instead, fed up with two years of waiting for the provincial government to embrace the spirit of the landmark Supreme Court of Canada Delgamuukw decision, the Okanagan Nation Alliance has issued its own cutting permit to the band. The permit requires the band's loggers to adhere to all safety and forest codes and is similar to current provincial regulations.

Shortly after the Westbank loggers took to the woods and the mainstream backlash began, the Okanagan Nation chiefs joined the battle to show support for Westbank Chief Ron Derrickson. As provincial officials issued stop work orders, criticized the logging as illegal, and talk of RCMP intervention began, more and more First Nations and First Nations organizations joined in an unprecedented show of solidarity.

"The harvesting of our timber grew from frustration led on by the province ignoring Aboriginal title and rights under the Delgamuukw decision," Derrickson said.
Earlier this year, Westbank tried to find a way to participate in the lucrative billion-dollar forest industry within the province's rules. After attempting to obtain what the band felt would have been a reasonable amount of timber, Westbank was informed they were eligible for a puny 2,000 cubic metres of "blow down," considered by Native leaders to be a "mere scrap" which would have created only a couple of weeks work for Native loggers.
The remainder of the 7.6 million cubic metres harvested in the Okanagan Valley would remain under provincial control and most likely awarded to non-Native commercial loggers. Local Native observers joke that woodpeckers and termites are getting more wood than Okanagan First Nations, but leaders don't see the humor in it.

"We, as Native people, have an undeniable right to participate in the economic interests of the province," Stewart Phillip, president of the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs, told Windspeaker. "Delgamuukw says we are the owners of this land and that must be fully understood, respected and implemented in all future planning of resource extraction."
Forest Minister David Zirnhelt, during an emergency meeting in Vancouver on September 15, told a huge gathering of Native leaders that the forest industry will continue to be regulated under the current guidelines.

"First Nations groups must go through appropriate channels to negotiate timber extraction rights," the minister said. "Those channels must be negotiated through the current treaty negotiation process. Two thousand cubic metres were offered to the Westbank First Nation under our direct award program and the Westbank First Nation has ignored our offer."

Approximately 80 chiefs and delegates arrived for the meeting, expecting the minister would have something to offer as a way of reaching a negotiated settlement. Shortly after the meeting began, the chiefs walked out, angry and frustrated. Before exiting the meeting, Phillip thanked the minister for "uniting the Aboriginal people in B.C. and across this nation" by not coming to the meeting with more to offer.

The Westbank logging operation has since gained the support of the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs (UBCIC), the First Nations Summit and the Six Nations Alliance - all the province's major Native political groups - plus a number of individual bands.

The meeting was requested by Derrickson, who invited National Chief Phil Fontaine to mediate. Fontaine opened the meeting by urging the province to bargain in good faith. He criticized the province for releasing media reports that said Westbank "was engaged in criminal legal activities as an attempt to create fear in the minds of British Columbians."
Fontaine went on to say this issue "is not about criminal activity, it is about the assertion of Aboriginal rights in their traditional territory."

Fontaine said the Native loggers have "rock solid" support from the AFN, adding that a resolution had been passed by the Summit chiefs supporting the logging.

"This is not an isolated incident," he said. "It is reflective of the deep frustration held by many First Nation communities across this nation."

Interior bands have traditionally been less willing to negotiate with the province, saying they're prepared to stand on the legal validity of their claim to ownership of land which was never surrendered. Treaty-making in Canada generally stopped at the top of the Rocky Mountains, leaving title to most of the present-day province of British Columbia in a state of legal confusion. In the Delgamuukw decision, Canada's highest court applied the law of the land and decided that Aboriginal title to the land existed and must be dealt with. The Interior bands, their position vindicated by the court, have become more insistent and less patient with a provincial government that they believe has allowed the status quo to continue unchanged despite the court ruling. Even the less adversarial coastal bands, which participate in the British Columbia Treaty Commission process as members of the First Nations Summit and are seen as more conciliatory, have had enough.

"First Nations groups have watched as the very lands being negotiated are stripped of resources, which are key to First Nations' future economic stability and self-sufficiency," Grand Chief Ed John, Chief Joe Mathias and Robert Louie, leaders of the First Nations Summit, said in a letter to the editor published in the Vancouver Sun. "First Nation groups have asked whether there will be any resources left by the time we finalize out treaties or are we negotiating for nothing more than barren pieces of land?"

Although they still prefer the method of achieving reconciliation through treaty negotiation, in the short term the Summit has supported the actions of the Westbank First Nations.
As the logging issue came to a boil, the Union of British Columbia Indian Chiefs held a three-day special assembly in Westbank. The political organization which represents First Nations opposed to the treaty process passed a resolution which could have a serious impact on the forest industry in the province. Borrowing an idea from environmentalists who have made big trouble for the British Columbia logging industry in the past, the UBCIC chiefs have resolved to take their grievances to the world stage by calling for an international boycott of British Columbia wood products. Phillip believes the international attention will help his cause in several ways.

"The more Canada and B.C. try to use their courts, police and army to deny our Aboriginal title, laws and jurisdiction, the more evidence we will have to show the international community that Canada's wealth is based upon the theft of our lands and resources which constitutes economic racism against our Aboriginal Nations," he said.
With even media commentators like conservative Gordon Gibson struggling with how to describe the Westbank logging - Gibson, the Globe and Mail columnist who is normally unsympathetic to Aboriginal viewpoints, wrote in a column published on September 21 that he isn't sure whether to call the logging illegal or unauthorized - Aboriginal groups have no such trouble with their terminology. They are claiming the province is involved in illegal resource extraction on their traditional lands, an act of bad faith bargaining.


Province backs down: Compensation for MacBlo

By Dana Wagg
Raven's Eye Writer
NANAIMO

Faced with overwhelming opposition, the British Columbia government has scrubbed a plan to give land at the heart of the treaty process to timber giant MacMillan Bloedel (MB).
The logging giant will now receive close to $100 million cash instead. The agreement compensates MB for timber rights and investment money lost on Vancouver Island since 1991 to new parks and protected areas and stems from a settlement agreement signed by the government and MB March 16, 1999 following out-of-court negotiations prompted by two MB actions for compensation. The two sides agreed on an $84 million package, which will be paid over five years. Interest costs bumps the figure by about $16 million.
At the government's request, MB had selected land instead of cash. It picked 32,000 ha. of Crown land and asked for fewer logging restrictions on 91,000 ha. it owns. It amounted to about 120,000 ha. of land spread over more than 100 parcels on Vancouver Island, Powell River and the Queen Charlottes. The land to be transferred to MB would have been free of Forest Practices Code restrictions and provincial stumpage fees, a levy charged on all wood cut on Crown land.

First Nations and environmentalists reacted with outrage and disbelief when the proposal was unveiled. First Nations threatened legal and direct action to block it. Anger mounted at a series of public meetings held in nine communities in June by Victoria lawyer David Perry, who had been told by the government of then-premier Glen Clark to gauge reaction and report back.

At a highly-charged meeting in Nanaimo, Clarence Dennis of the Huu-aye-aht Nation warned "there'd be war" if the plan went ahead. He said he was upset the scheme threatened his dream of building a longhouse near Sarita Lake, north of Bamfield on the West Coast, on land that has been in his family for thousands of years. Fearing the site would be logged, he vowed "We're going to put up armed roadblocks, we're going to stop Macmillan Bloedel from taking any more wood from our territory."

In announcing the province was abandoning the land-exchange plan, Forest Minister David Zirnhelt stated the obvious.

"There was virtually no support for it at all," he said. "The idea of a wholesale transfer of land, much of it critical for other values, clearly is not acceptable to the public. The response was overwhelming. In hindsight, it wasn't such a good move."

Reluctant to pay MB money and add to the provincial debt, the government had come up with a proposal that wasn't well thought out, he admitted.

Zirnhelt said treaty settlement considerations were a factor in his decision to back away.
Perry said he had never before heard such passionate views as those expressed in the community meetings he chaired from Vancouver to Queen Charlotte City. There was virtually no public support for the plan, he said.

Ninety-eight per cent of written submissions opposed the plan. Opposition at the public meetings attended by a total of about 1,500 people ranged from a low of 60 per cent to a high of 95 per cent, he said in his report to government.

"The written submissions are virtually unanimous in opposition," he said. "Of 1,100 written submissions received, less than 20 were in support of using land and resource rights as payment."

He strongly warned the government was asking for a trainload of legal troubles with First Nations if the land exchange wasn't dropped and he specifically cited areas in which First Nations would be on solid legal ground to go after the government.

"I am convinced the province has an obligation to engage in further consultations with every First Nation affected by the proposed land transfers before any such transfer can be completed," he said, noting that the Supreme Court of Canada's Delgamuukw decision obliged any government infringing Aboriginal rights or title to consult with the First Nation.

"Aboriginal rights asserted in the lands at issue include hunting and fishing rights, gathering of traditional foods and healing medicines, the opportunity to have cultural and religious experiences in wilderness areas sacred to First Nations, obtaining wood supplies for traditional Aboriginal activities such as home building, canoes and artwork and finally, a protection of Aboriginal heritage such as village sites and culturally modified trees," said Perry. "There is a strong possibility Aboriginal rights could be proven over a large area of the lands in question and that Aboriginal title may exist in at least some of the parcels being considered. The lands in question are all located on Vancouver Island or near the coast in areas where First Nations are known to have lived continuously for many thousands of years up to the present time. Many of the parcels are adjacent to or near existing reserves, along river valleys or near coastal areas, all of which are indicators of continuous use and occupation."

Perry noted that on much of the land, infringement of Aboriginal rights and title would be high and it was questionable whether it could be justified.

"There is a strong possibility the exercise of Aboriginal rights could be extinguished on lands used as part of a settlement process."

He predicted consultation would be complex and time consuming and noted the province was under the gun since it faced an Oct. 31 deadline to transfer land to MB. Perry doubted any transfers could take place that quickly.

The issue affected more than a dozen First Nations including Chemainus, Snuneymuxw (Nanaimo), Malahat, Cowichan and Huu-aye-aht on Vancouver Island and Sechelt and Sliammon First Nations on the Sunshine Coast, some of which belong to the Hul'qum'num Treaty Group or the Victoria-based Te'mexw Treaty Association, which both planned to file judicial reviews if the province didn't back down.

Perry said the MB proposal left a very bad taste in the mouths of First Nations, who expressed "shock, hurt and disappointment" that treaty table land had been offered to MB without their knowledge.

"They expressed frustration at the province's apparent willingness to settle a claim from MB quickly and expeditiously while First Nations are forced to wait for settlement of their own treaty claims," he said.

The Te'mexw said in a news release they were sandbagged by the proposal and the province acted in bad faith.

"The province agreed to transfer virtually all Crown lands on southeastern Vancouver Island to MB. First Nations on south Vancouver Island have been trying to get a fair treaty since 1850. Now, in one year of private negotiations, the province has given a corporation what amounts to a treaty."

MB, Canada's largest forest company, controls 1.1 million ha. of land, most of it on Vancouver Island and the Queen Charlotte Islands and was at the centre of the West Coast's forestry war at Clayoquot Sound. The fight was costly for the company and activists. At its peak, in 1993, hundreds of people were arrested and thrown in jail.

Thirty-eight large parks including 14 in Clayoquot Sound and upwards of 35 smaller ones were created from land taken from MB, which lost logging rights on about 7,793 ha. of timber licences and on 43,877 ha. of Crown land in two tree farm licences. The company lost about 5.75 million cubic metres of old-growth timber from licences and a 100,000 cubic metres annual allowable cut from other Crown forest land. One cubic metre equals the size of a telephone pole.

Washington State-based Weyerhaeuser Company, the world's largest pulp producer and softwood lumber producer, reached an agreement in June to take over MB in a $3.6 billion deal.

MB is just the latest in a string of corporations to be compensated in B.C. for lost resource rights on unsurrendered First Nations' land. But the provincial and federal governments refuse to discuss compensation with First Nations. The First Nations Summit said in June it hoped the government's decision to negotiate compensation with third parties like MB indicated it would "discuss compensation for past and present infringements of Aboriginal rights and title with First Nations at treaty tables."

But the province's deputy minister for Aboriginal affairs, Patrick O'Rourke, has since said that compensation can be settled only through the courts.

"The treaty process is intended to look into the future and not on past events," he said.
That's a position that doesn't sit well with First Nations. Musqueam closed its treaty office in May after being told financial compensation for lost lands wasn't on the table.

"I figured the treaty process was all about correcting past injustices," said Chief Ernie Campbell. "If it's not about compensation, what's the point?"

After announcing his decision on the MB compensation issue, Zirnhelt was probably hoping the next flashpoint was some time away. But, a mere four days later another war in the woods erupted as frustrated Westbank Nation members picked up chainsaws and started logging their land without provincial permission - in part to protest the government's double standards. While large companies haul away about 7.6 million cubic metres of wood annually from Westbank territory with provincial permission, band members look on from the sidelines, offered minimal amounts of windblown and burned timber outside their territory.



Fijian healers visit British Columbia First Nations

By Troy Hunter
Raven's Eye Writer
VICTORIA

Some First Nations communities in this province had the opportunity to meet with two Indigenous women from the South Pacific last month.

Silina Masi and Maggie Vuadreu of Fiji travelled to different communties to meet various interested groups - Elders, students and other individuals - concerning traditional medicine. The South Pacific Peoples Foundation organized the tour as part of the Indigenous Peoples, Indigenous Science and Sustainable Development Project.
The Fijian women are part of an organization called WAINIMATE, a women's association for natural medicine therapy. The word WAINIMATE means medicine in Fijian.

Masi is the co-ordinator for the association and a former nurse for the Fijian ministry of health.

"The doctors in Fiji met with the traditional healers and one of the doctors asked why are we learning about traditional medicine, are we to go back?" Masi said.

But, she explained, in Fiji there are more than 300 islands, of which about one-third are inhabited. In the less populous outer islands, the medicine that reaches the nursing stations is usually expired and so when people need treatment they turn to traditional medicines.
The First Nations they visited were able to share with the Fijians as well as learn from them about traditional medicine practices. Some of the host organizations in BC include the Ki'low'na Friendship Society, Ktunaxa/Kinbasket Tribal Council, Neskonlith Indian Band, Shuswap Nation Tribal Council, UBC First Nations House of Learning, and Malaspina University/College. WAINIMATE also toured parts of Saskatchewan and Manitoba as well.

Some of the First Nations shared with WAINIMATE how they work with the Elders to gather the knowledge about traditional medicine, as well as how they reflect that knowledge back into the community. One Elder stated, "It has taken a hundred years for them (colonizers) to destroy our knowledge, it will be a while before we are able to put it all back together."

One of the areas of comon concern is the protection of intellectual property rights. The Fijians work very closely with their government to make sure hat scientists, pharmaceutical companies or other opportunists will not somehow appropriate their indigenous knowledge.

The University of the South Pacific and the ministry of health will collaborate with WAINIMATE to research approximately 20 different plants in order to prove their efficacy so that they could be accepted into mainstream health systems.

WAINIMATE views traditional medicine as practical and part of everyday living in Fiji. Maggie Vuadreu, a traditional healer who uses herbs and also massage, says "because we are Christians, we're not allowed to practice spiritual, but there are some healers who still do so using the Kava Kava."

WAINIMATE works with the plants and promotes sustainable development. Its theme is, Save the Plants that Save Lives. They encourage people to grow herbal gardens so there will always be a good supply of medicinal herbs.

Additionally, they have planted demonstration herbal gardens at the University of the South Pacific, and the ministry of health in Fiji.

For more information contact the South Pacific Peoples Foundation at (250) 472-0175 or e-mail: sppf@sppf.org.


Learn about the work of Bill Reid

By Yvonne Irene Gladue
Raven's Eye Writer
VANCOUVER

A two-day symposium in Vancouver will give museum and gallery curators, artists, and the general public a chance to explore the life and works of the late Haida artist Bill Reid.
The Legacy of Bill Reid: A Critical Enquiry will be held on Nov. 13 and 14 at the University of British Columbia's First Nations House of Learning.

Regarded as one of the most important Canadian artists of this century, Reid was known for his bronze sculptures, his Haida jewelry, his carvings, his art work, and his writings.
"He was regarded as an important artist of his time because he brought Haida art to the world's attention," said symposium co-ordinator, Karen Duffek. "When he started to look at Haida art, there weren't many Haida artists at that time," she said.

Reid's bronze casting, called the Spirit of Haida Gwaii, "The Black Canoe" a 19-foot-long bronze sculpture, sits in front of the Canadian embassy in Washington, D.C. Another piece, The Jade Canoe , sits in the departure hall of Vancouver's International Airport.
Visitors can also view other Reid sculptures. The Raven and The First Men can be seen at the Museum of Anthropology in Vancouver. The Killer Whale is located at the Vancouver aquarium's Marine Science Centre.

"People are in awe when seeing the sculpture of The Raven and The First Men. It is of a large raven perched on a clam shell, and the first humans are climbing out of the shell" said Duffek. "It brings together a European sculpture tradition and Haida art," she said.
Reid's other achievements include nine honorary degrees from Canadian universities and several awards, including a National Aboriginal Achievement Award, Vancouver's Lifetime Achievement Award and the Architectural Institute of Canada's Allied Arts Medal. In addition, Reid left behind numerous works of exquisite pieces of jewelry, drawings and prints.

He was born in Victoria in 1920. His mother was Haida and his father was Scottish/German. By marrying a non-Native, Reid's mother lost her Aboriginal status so he was raised entirely in a European/North American society.

It was not until he was in his early twenties that Reid got to know his Haida grandfather, Charles Gladstone.

Through his friendship with his grandfather, Reid began a lifelong series of visits to the Queen Charlotte Islands. He gradually began to identify with his mother's people, the Haida.

Reid began a career in radio broadcasting which took him to eastern Canada and on to the airwaves of CBC in Toronto. Inspired by the Haida jewelry that his mother and aunts wore, Reid enrolled in a jewelry-making course there. In 1951 he returned to the West Coast and established himself as designer of contemporary gold, platinum and diamond jewelry. He turned the basement of his home into a workshop where he created bracelets, earrings, rings, brooches and carvings with the structure of the Haida form.

After the death of his grandfather, Reid wrote a piece concerning the Native people of the Northwest Coast. Titled Totems , the piece became a television documentary which was narrated by Reid. The film focused on the salvage of totem poles from abandoned villages on the Queen Charlotte Islands.

Reid went on to write and narrate four other films and from 1967 to 1991 he had nine of his works published.

According to Duffek, Reid donated many of his works for fundraisers for local causes and was one of the most generous and accessible artists.

"He was always open to young artists to help them learn new art techniques," said Duffeck. "Artists worked and studied with Bill Reid while other artists would drop by his studio to visit and get advice from him," she said.

After a 30-year battle with Parkinson's disease, Reid passed away on March 13, 1998. He was 78.

The symposium hopes to bring a critical perspective to Reid's complex legacy.
"He played such an important role in revitalizing Haida art," said Duffeck. "I met him. He was intelligent, interesting and witty. He always had a good joke to tell," she said.

The symposium will be divided into four sessions. Session one will explore Bill Reid's life and his evolution to becoming Haida. Session two will look at the issues Reid raised about the quality and the uniqueness of Native art. Session three will look at Reid's role and contribution in reviving Haida art. Session four will look at the differences of tribal identity and modernist autonomy.

"By looking at the differences of tribal identity and modernist autonomy in Bill Reid's art work, people can ask themselves if they look at his work just as Haida art work or do people look at his work as reaching across different cultures as well?" said Duffek.


On the western edge of Indian Country

By Keith Matthew
Raven's Eye Columnist

A revolution is not a dinner party, or writing an essay, or painting a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. A revolution is an insurrection, an act of violence by which one class overthrows another.

"Report On An Investigation Of The Peasant Movement In Hunan" (March 1927), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 28, Mao Tse-tung.

I wonder what Chairman Mao would think if he were here today to witness another "Indian uprising" here in British Columbia? Today we are armed with knowledge and legal decisions and provincial and federal governments are being rocked on a regular basis by First Nations across Canada who are moving back to their lands in a tidal wave of red skin.

The latest round of the Indian revolution here in British Columbia has another chapter being written by the Westbank First Nation. They got tired of waiting and were frustrated with the lack of good faith that governments must adhere to when dealing with First Nations at the bargaining table and alluded to in the Supreme Court of Canada Delgamuukw decision of December 11, 1997:

"Moreover, the Crown is under a moral, if not legal, duty to enter into and conduct those negotiations in good faith. Ultimately, it is through negotiated settlements, with good faith and give and take on all sides, reinforced by the judgments of this Court, that we will achieve what I stated in Van der Peet, supra, at para. 31, to be a basic purpose of S. 35(1) - "the reconciliation of the pre-existence of Aboriginal societies with the sovereignty of the Crown."

Federal and provincial governments have been instructed by the Supreme Court of Canada to bargain in good faith but fail to live up to their end of the bargain again and again. Witness the Gitanyow who took the provincial government to court and argued successfully that the government wasn't bargaining in good faith in their negotiations with the Gitanyow. The province lost that decision and the last I heard were appealing that decision.

With Westbank asserting their Okanagan jurisdiction over logging, they have taken it to a provincial government whose strongman Glen Clark was recently unceremoniously forced to resign by alleged shady dealings by another premier of this province. The provincial NDP government is in chaos right now and is sorely lacking strong leadership.
The Liberal opposition are taking their usual "one law for all approach" to the situation and calling for an end to the situation by any means. Where were they when all of the illegal actions were being perpetrated against us? The rapes and tortures in the penitentiaries called residential schools? The absurd laws governing our every move under the Indian Act such as needing to have a pass from the Indian Agent to leave the reservation in the early 1900s. The laws not allowing us to gather as groups and discuss our land claims? These were actual laws enacted by federal and provincial governments to control us.
Our Aboriginal rights are enshrined in the 1982 Canadian Constitution and to ask us to give up those hard won concessions by our fathers and uncles who fought Pierre Trudeau and Brian Mulroney to enshrine those rights in the Constitution is downright idiotic and unrealistic.

Contrary to what the Liberals and other idiots continue to insist are "race-based rights," such as fishing rights, they are wrong. They are land-based rights and are also built upon the fact that we were here first. Our hunting and fishing rights are protected under the Constitution of 1982. To quote from the Supreme Court of Canada's Delgamuukw decision again:

"Constitutionally recognized Aboriginal rights fall along a spectrum with respect to their degree of connection with the land. At one end are those Aboriginal rights which are practices, customs and traditions integral to the distinctive Aboriginal culture of the group claiming the right but where the use and occupation of the land where the activity taking place is not sufficient to support a claim of title to the land. In the middle are activities which, out of necessity, take place on land and indeed, might be intimately related to a particular piece of land. Although an Aboriginal group may not be able to demonstrate title to the land, it may nevertheless have site-specific right to engage in particular activity. At the other end of the spectrum is Aboriginal title itself which confers more than a right to engage in site-specific activities which are aspects of the practices, customs and traditions of distinctive Aboriginal cultures. Site-specific rights can be made out even if title cannot."
Remember that when you are confronted by someone who questions you about your so-called "race-based rights."

Yeah, I am sick of the illegal logging as well. Tired of hearing the provincial and federal governments give us more lip service about "meet us at the bargaining table." Why? So they can get us to cede, release and surrender our Aboriginal title? Whatever.

Who is logging illegally? A provincial government which issues logging licenses without consulting First Nations on a meaningful basis and not recognizing First Nations inherent rights to land and resources that the highest court in the land has said exist?

Westbank is well within its rights to log and it isn't illegal.

Consider the Delgamuukw decision again:

"Aboriginal title encompasses the right to exclusive use and occupation of the land held pursuant to that title for a variety of purposes, which need not be aspects of those Aboriginal practices, customs and traditions which are integral to distinctive Aboriginal cultures. The exclusive right to use the land is not restricted to the right to engage in activities which are aspects of Aboriginal practices, customs and traditions integral to the claimant group's distinctive Aboriginal culture. Canadian jurisprudence on Aboriginal title frames the "right to occupy and possess" in broad terms and, significantly, is not qualified by the restriction that use be tied to practice, custom or tradition. The nature of the Indian interest in reserve land which has been found to be the same as the interest in tribal lands is very broad and incorporates present-day needs."

The myth of Canada as a nation is a carefully built house of cards built on the shaky underpinning that there were two founding races - First Nations have another history lesson in store for those people who continue to insist that we don't exist in history.
Those are the facts, as I see them anyway. Putucw.


Playing the white man's game
To:ske ­ It's true

By Taiaiake Alfred
Raven's Eye Columnist
VICTORIA

Where I come from, voting in the white man's elections is taboo; only four people from Kahnawa:ke voted in the last federal election (and word is that they were non-Indians living on the reserve). The reason for this taboo is clear: as Iroquois people, we do not participate in the white man's government system because we are Rotinohshonni, not Canadian. But I have noticed a different opinion among our brothers and sisters in some other parts of Turtle Island where voting, supporting political campaigns and even running for federal or provincial offices is accepted as a good thing. I often ask myself why is it that some Indian people participate in federal and provincial elections?

It seems so clear that participating in the white man's political system goes against the basic idea that we are nations. An Indian giving a vote to a political candidate in a Canadian election is the same thing as giving an "OK" and smiling high five to the whole system that's been created to control us and take away our rights. If one chooses to validate their rule over us in this way, it becomes hypocritical to claim distinct nationhood as "First Nations," treaty Indians or indigenous peoples. One of the strongest arguments we have against the legality of the white man's Indian Act is that we have never agreed to be subjects of that authority. Our ancestors never signed treaties of surrender, yet by participating in the white man's politics, we are caving in and surrendering and in effect giving the Canadian government the consent it so desperately needs to justify the situation it has created. By casting a vote or taking part in Canadian elections, what Indians are really saying to Canada is "I hereby agree to be part of your system, and accept the authority of your Constitution and your laws over me."

Aside from the contradictions on principle, as a practical matter, Indian participation in the Canadian political system makes no sense at all. Our populations are too small to matter in all but a very few federal and provincial ridings. Even with the rare election of Indian candidates, the Canadian parliamentary system's "party discipline" rule (all members must support the party line) renders this small-scale representation meaningless anyway. Our ability to influence the political decision-making process in the normal Canadian way (by pumping money into a political party, financially supporting a candidate or flexing economic muscle in a riding) is sadly non-existent. Most often, Indians who do participate in the white man's political system just end up getting used as tokens, political footballs, or worse, as tools in the divide-and-conquer tactics that Canadian governments still use against us. Whether it's the Liberal Party's co-optation of Indians through patronage appointments and pay-offs, the NDP Party's false promises, or the Reform Party's crass manipulation of dissenters, Indians who play political games always end up serving the white politicians rather than their own people.

So why do people do it then? I have to believe that most of the Indian people who vote in Canadian elections are not consciously betraying principles, but vote simply because they have not considered all of the implications of the act. But I suspect it is a different story for Indian leaders who get deeply involved with Canadian political parties. I may be accused of being cynical here, but let's remember that politics is a very cynical business these days. Most Indian politicians who give their support and allegiance to Canadian political parties do so out of selfishness and greed - they possess a special hunger for money and power that drives them to knowingly betray the principles of nationhood in exchange for favors and status within the white man's system.

If we hope to rise above dysfunctional politics imported from the white man's system, rid our communities and organizations of corrupt government and begin to make real progress toward rebuilding our nations, we need to return to our traditional ways and identities. Basically, "traditional" means taking ourselves seriously, being consistent and acting with pride like true nations. As Indian people we must stop saying "OK" to the white man's claimed authority over us and then complaining about it in loud and empty rhetoric. We need to start putting our faith in true leaders who believe in our nations and who know our traditions, and we need to stop voting for slick politicians who play the games white men play.