December - 2006
New relationship already in progress?
By Paul Barnsley
Windspeaker Staff Writer
OTTAWA
When former Indian Affairs Minister Robert Nault decided to change
the Indian Act in 2002, the launch of the First Nations governance
act (FNGA) in a school auditorium on the Siksika First Nation
territory in southern Alberta was a nationally-televised event.
"I am the most important person in your life," Nault
told the audience of First Nation students and teachers that
day.
Nault later said he meant that he intended to change that intolerable
situation by fundamentally changing the relationship between
First Nations people and the federal government. But those words
were used to portray him as an arrogant "great white father"
as the bill proceeded through the legislative process. After
a bitter fight mounted against it by First Nation leaders in
the committee rooms of the House of Commons and in the media,
the FNGA was eventually shelved.
In January, newly-elected Prime Minister Stephen Harper wrote
to the leader of the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples stating the
FNGA "was a strong pillar to advance the important reforms
and we strongly support this bill."
Ready or not, something similar to the FNGA will soon appear
on the horizon and that's not the only thing that has, or soon
will, anger First Nation leaders.
When the Indian Affairs department recently released its plans
and priorities for 2006-2007, it listed as a top priority "strengthened
First Nations and Inuit governance and capacity through legislative,
policy and programming initiatives."
Add up all the recent cuts to Aboriginal programs and you'll
get the impression that Canada's new federal government just
might have some controversial opinions when it comes to Aboriginal
peoples. But, since nobody within the government is saying exactly
what kind of thinking motivates these decisions, it all remains
guesswork.
But the list of cuts is long and apparently getting longer.
A $160-million cut to funding for programming aimed at preserving
Aboriginal languages and cultures was announced in early November.
Ottawa sources say the SchoolNet program may be shifted from
Industry Canada to Indian Affairs, but no budget will follow
the program that allows remote schools to access quality instruction
via the Internet.
And Metis federal government employee Randy Way points out that
Treasury Board president John Baird has refused to sign off on
an employment equity plan that would benefit women and Aboriginal
people who want to work in the civil service.
"What concerns me is that Mr. Baird has withheld his signature
from this program that was created by his own department,"
Way wrote in an e-mail message obtained by Windspeaker and used
with his permission. "The Harper government's lack of support
for this program is consistent with the unilateral approach that
it has taken towards Aboriginals and visible minorities from
the beginning. The government has killed the women's equity program
(Status of Women Canada), killed adult literacy programs (ironic,
given the proven link between crime and poor literacy and the
government's supposed commitment to law and order) and is killing
employment equity. How can the government stand here today and
claim to represent all people of Canada?"
An analysis of the Indian Affairs department's spending estimates
over the next two fiscal years shows that departmental funding
will drop by close to $500 million.
Add to that a couple of controversial comments by the Indian
Affairs Minister Jim Prentice in November and observers are starting
to wonder just what is going on.
Prentice refused to meet with Ontario Aboriginal Affairs Minister
David Ramsay on the issues surrounding the Caledonia occupation
of Douglas Creek Estates on Oct. 31, leaving the Ontario minister
sitting in his office. When asked about the snub, Prentice said
he skipped the meeting because Ramsay and Ontario Premier Dalton
McGuinty had been "grandstanding" on the issue of who
was responsible for the costs incurred during the protest.
Then Prentice suggested that, because the land grant that was
at the centre of the dispute in Caledonia happened before Confederation,
it was a provincial responsibility. That comment left a lot of
people shaking their heads.
Tony Penikett, a former premier of the Yukon and an experienced
provincial land claim negotiator, recently wrote Reconciliation,
First Nations Treaty Making in British Columbia, a book on his
experiences at the negotiating table that has been widely praised
as a balanced and detailed look at Aboriginal relations.
Penikett was asked about the sparks between Prentice and the
Ontario minister.
"On any matter money, or what politicians would call matters
of high principle, which usually means money," he said,
chuckling, "there's always a fight. Even with rich provinces
like Ontario and the federal government, especially when they're
of two different political stripes, you have disputesbuck
passing is one way of describing itespecially on complex
questions like the situation that's going on in Caledonia. The
fact of the matter is that the federal government does have the
principle responsibility constitutionally for Indians and Indian
lands, Section 91-24 responsibilities."
Penikett sees the Conservatives going in a very different direction.
"There's no doubt the federal government is changing its
approach. The rejection of the financial commitments in Kelowna
was a pretty clear signal that they were going to pursue a different
path. My reading of the situation is not black and white. I suspect
that the direction of the federal Conservative government on
questions of Aboriginal policy is much undecided," he said.
Ramsay told Windspeaker he was shocked to hear Prentice say the
land question at Caledonia was a provincial matter.
"Quite frankly, I don't understand. Ontario, or any other
province or territory has neither the power nor the authority
on federal land. That is held by the federal government,"
he said.
Windspeaker asked if the federal position could be read as an
expression of a political ideology.
"I'll give the benefit of the doubt. I'll put it this way:
I feel that, to move this file along across the country, I think
governments have to stop listening to their lawyers and make
a political determination that we are going to settle land claims.
I think that's the nub of this. I don't think it's ideology necessarily."
But Liberal MP Gary Merasty, former grand chief of the Prince
Albert Grand Council in Saskatchewan, said the Conservatives
are not being straight up about their financial plans for the
Indian Affairs department.
"There's a huge frustration at the lack of movement on Kelowna,
even to the point of misrepresentation of what they're proposing
to actually be doing," he said. "They've said that
this government has given more to Aboriginal people than any
other government in the history of the country, and that is $3.3
billion or something like that. But $2.2 billion of that was
the residential school agreement."
Of the approximately $1 billion remaining, Merasty said $600
million is going to provinces and territories and not directly
into the hands of First Nations and Metis people.
"Then you have $450 million left and that is spread over
two years; $150 million this year, which none of it has moved
yet and the minister acknowledged that when I questioned him
at the committee, and $300 million is set to move next year.
So the reality is that none of that $150 million has moved this
year. In fact, we're at a net loss in the First Nations and Metis
communities because they've clawed back with these recent cuts
money from health and Indian Affairs and other departments."
Some of the ideas floated by Prentice have Merasty concerned
as well.
"The minister's talked about fee simple land ownership.
To me that's a very, very scary issue because the Americans did
this. It was called the Dawes Act," Merasty said.
The Dawes Act allowed for reservation lands to be sold or seized
in repayment of outstanding debts. It led to a phenomenon that
is referred to checkerboard reservations where chunks of reserve
land were privately held and the communities were put under tremendous
strains. Between the trend to fewer individuals being granted
status as a result of the provisions of Bill C-31 and the proposal
to allow private land ownership, Merasty sees big troubles ahead.
"Think about it. There'll be no Indians and no land reserved
for Indians. Big picture-wise, that's the issue for me and I'm
tracking this as my role. And also these cuts are extremely concerning
because I think we're at a net loss in funding," he said.
Osgoode Hall Law Professor Shin Imai said the idea that provinces
might have the liability for pre-Confederation claims is "not
a new thing that came in with Jim Prentice."
He said it's a tactic that department of Justice lawyers have
come up with in the ongoing fight to protect the Crown from legal
liability.
"It's sort of this underground fight that has been going
on in litigation. To me, it just makes no sense. Just looking
at Confederation and how it works and our Constitution, whatever
happened before Confederation the idea is that we got together
at Confederation and created a federal government and set up
the structure," he said. "And the structure says in
91-24 that Indians and lands reserved for Indians are the federal
responsibility, so that's where the jurisdiction is. I just find
it totally astounding that they would say, "Well, go back
pre-Confederation, because our constitutional structure wasn't
built on what was happening before Confederation. Prentice's
statement was . . . it makes no sense to me in our constitutional
structure. I don't see the logic in it. And maybe that's why
he's now backing down from it. Maybe he's been made to realize
that it's an untenable position."
Imai noted that the Law Commission of Canada also got cut.
"The last thing they sent out was a discussion paper on
Indigenous legal traditions and the background research was done
by John Borrows. I asked for all the copies to use in my classes
because it's just terrific. So they're doing terrific work, but
maybe it's upsetting the current prime minister. They don't want
all this terrific work done on Aboriginal issues," he said.
The law professor believes the government has sent all kinds
of messages that it's departing radically from past approaches.
"I think that with Stephen Harper there's been a definite
change and it's just an objective fact." Regarding the decision
to back away from the Kelowna accord Imai said "It's a decision
they made and they were happy to make it. I think he's changing
the course of government's relationships with Aboriginal people.
It's conscious. They want to do it and they're doing it. From
their point of view, they're doing it for a good reason. The
Congress of Aboriginal Peoples loves it.
They think they should get rid of reserves. For those people
who are more inclined to affiliate and recognize their own cultural
identity and the importance of collective consciousness and collective
rights and nationhood, it's definitely a hostile turn."
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