October - 2007
Report highlights Ontario's violations
of Indigenous rights
By Kate Harries
Windspeaker Writer
GRASSY NARROWS FIRST NATION, Ont.
Despite a history of displacement and cultural upheaval, the
people of Asubpeeschoseewagong (Grassy Narrows), near the Ontario-Manitoba
border have demonstrated their determination to rebuild their
community and their relationship with the land.
But a leading international human rights organization says the
failure by the Ontario provincial government to respect the Indigenous
rights of the community has hampered its recovery from catastrophic
disruptions in the 1960s and 1970s-including a forced relocation
to a site selected by the federal government and the mercury
poisoning of the river system that provided food and jobs.
In a hard-hitting report released Sept. 20, Amnesty International
Canada calls on Ontario to respect a moratorium on logging declared
by Grassy Narrows in January. It also urges the province to work
with Indigenous peoples to bring its laws, regulations and policies
in line with its duties of consultation and accommodation, and
to establish an independent agency to oversee resolution of land
and treaty disputes, as recommended by the Ipperwash commission.
Amnesty International Canada sent a mission to Grassy Narrows
in April to investigate the rights violations, the second such
investigation in Canada's history (the first was of a 1982 Quebec
prison riot). While Grassy Narrows was chosen because the situation
there is particularly urgent, the report says it's not unique.
Rather, "it's a powerful illustration of the great harm
that can be caused by the exercise of arbitrary and unchecked
state power over the lands and lives of Indigenous peoples."
In the case of Grassy Narrows, "the Province of Ontario
has long failed to uphold its responsibility to respect Indigenous
rights," the report states. "The province did not carry
out meaningful consultation before licensing large-scale logging
activities. And it has ignored clear calls from the community
to stop the logging and other industrial development until consent
is given."
In an interview, David Ramsay, Ontario's Aboriginal affairs and
natural resources minister, who is now in the midst of a provincial
election campaign, noted that in September (in the last month
of his four-year mandate) he appointed retired Supreme Court
Chief Justice Frank Iacobucci to lead discussions with Grassy
Narrows on forestry issues. Talks are to start in November.
Ramsay defended the province's forestry regulation as one of
the most sustainable in the world. "We have good relationships,
especially in the north where we have forestry," he insisted,
ignoring a groundswell of discontent from across the north over
resource extraction without revenue sharing. "It's been
in this one area (Grassy Narrows) where we've had difficulty."
"We welcome that appointment," said Amnesty International
Canada's Craig Benjamin, author of the report, of Iacobucci's
new role. "It's a positive step. At the same time there's
no guarantee the talks will proceed quickly. Where is the protection
of their rights in the interim?"
In a 2004 ruling involving the Haida First Nation, the Supreme
Court of Canada found that government must respect potential
interests, because continued exploitation could deprive Aboriginal
claimants of some or all of the benefits of the resource. Ramsay
said Iacobucci has the power to order interim protection measures.
Benjamin noted that the effects of past violations are still
being felt. Some Grassy Narrows people still have mercury poisoning
symptoms, and fish, their staple food source, remains suspect.
Meanwhile, populations of animals trapped or hunted for fur and
food are reduced by clearcuts and wild foods like blueberries
are contaminated by pesticides. "How much more can this
one community endure?" he asked.
Abitibi is current holder of the licence to log the Whiskey Jack
Forest, the area around Grassy Narrows that roughly coincides
with the First Nation's traditional territory. When the company
prepared to clearcut up to the boundary of the reserve in 2002
the community rose up in protest. They blockaded a logging road
by Slant Lake, some 10 kilometres from the reserve. The blockade
still stands, the longest political action of its kind in Canadian
history. Nevertheless, processes continue that profoundly impact
the land and the people's relationship with it; a relationship
that for Indigenous people defines culture, identity and survival.
"Everything about being Anishinaabe is the land," Roberta
Keesick, a Grassy Narrows trapper and grandmother says in the
report. "Without the land that's pretty well cultural genocide."
The Amnesty International Canada report faults Ontario's forestry
management regime for failing to meet standards set by Canadian
courts, which view meaningful consultation as a minimal legal
duty. There has been no distinct consultation process for Aboriginal
people, despite their distinct treaty and constitutional rights.
The Ontario government recently, for the first time, offered
a specific process in its development of a five-year plan to
take effect in 2009, but so far Grassy Narrows has not been interested
in participating.
The report stresses that, depending on the impact, governments
may have an additional legal obligation "to proceed only
with the free, prior and informed consent of the affected people."
Free, prior and informed consent is the language of international
law, as in the United Nations' recently adopted Declaration on
the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which was opposed by the federal
Conservative government. But, the report points out, the declaration
doesn't create any new rights, it merely clarifies existing obligation.
Canadian law sets a similar standard. In the 1997 Delgamuukw
decision, the Supreme Court stated that situations requiring
only the minimum duty of meaningful consultation are "rare"
and the legal duty of the Crown may require the full consent
of an Aboriginal nation, particularly when provinces enact hunting
and fishing regulations in relation to Aboriginal lands.
Canadian governments generally resist the notion that they should
obtain Aboriginal consent before proceeding with plans that could
affect Aboriginal rights. The Haida decision is often quoted
for stating that the process does not give Aboriginal groups
a veto over what can be done with land pending final proof of
a claim. But, Benjamin points out, the decision implies that
once Aboriginal rights are established and proven, then, potentially,
there could be a veto.
"If Indigenous peoples are not recognized to have the right
of consent, at the end of the day that means all power is in
the hands of the ministry bureaucracy," he said. "Government
in effect has a veto."
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