Top News - November - 2001
 |
Clinton Soto (Redd Skout) gives an emotional
performance of My Friend (Wilburn's Song) during this year's
opening ceremonies of Dreamcatcher, Grant MacEwan Community College's
annual youth conference held in Edmonton Oct. 12 to 14. He was
performing with the rap group REDD NATION.
Photo: Debora Lockyer Steel |
The law's
the law, Stock - Editorial
A few suggestions
to APTN - Editorial
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INFO.
Scrap the referendum,
B.C. told
Paul Barnsley,
Windspeaker Staff Writer,
Vancouver
An environmentalist and an Anglican clergyman both told British
Columbia's Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs on Oct. 18
they should just forget about holding a referendum on the future
shape of the treaty process.
The two men addressed the committee during the Vancouver public
input session. They and two others addressed the committee during
the evening session of the committee's day-long stop in the province's
largest city. The newly elected British Columbia Liberal government
plans to hold a referendum on what British Columbians want from
the treaty process. The government wants the public to decide
what the provincial negotiators' bottom line should be in treaty
talks. The standing committee is holding sessions throughout
the province. The committee's report is due on Nov. 30.
Paul George, a non-Native member of the Western Canadian Wilderness
Club, and Craig Vance, speaking as a member of the Anglican diocese
of New Westminster, both urged the Liberal MLAs to re-think their
government's position.
Asking the majority to vote on the extent of a minority's rights
is "beyond foolishness," said George who urged the
committee to call off the vote.
"Even if you have no mandate to recommend not holding a
referendum, I recommend not holding one," he said.
Vance, saying he was speaking for himself and not officially
representing the church, predicted a council of all the major
churches in the province was leaning towards and would likely
arrive at a position of "urging the government to withdraw
the referendum."
Committee chair, MLA John Les, told the presenters the process
wasn't about limiting Native rights in the province.
"This is not a discussion about Native rights," he
said. "That's not on the table. It's about how do we incorporate
these rights in the British Columbia mosaic."
Vance argued the "public won't get the nuance" and
would vote in a way that reflects an uninformed, emotional response
rather than an informed understanding of the issues.
George agreed with that assessment.
"What the vote really means is, if you vote one way you're
favorably disposed to the rights of Aboriginal people in British
Columbia; if you vote another way, you're unfavorably disposed,"
he said.
Donald McKenzie, publisher of Indigenous Business Magazine, told
the committee the question should reflect affirmative responses
to a series of questions. He said he believed the question should
be along the lines of whether Aboriginal people should be treated
fairly and with compassion in British Columbia or whether Supreme
Court of Canada decisions should apply in the province.
McKenzie pointed to past treatment of Native people, saying the
government should be careful not to let historical antagonisms
between Indigenous peoples and colonizers resurface.
"We must remember that small pox, a sort of bio-weapon,
was used intentionally against Aboriginal people. Kind of like
some of these envelopes we've been hearing about for the last
little while," he said.
That comment drew a protest from committee member Dennis MacKay.
"I can't believe small pox was intentionally used,"
the MLA said. "I find it personally offensive to think our
grandfathers and grandmothers would do such a thing."
The next day, at the annual conference of the Indigenous Bar
Association, hosted just a few blocks away, former NDP cabinet
minister Edward John, grand chief of the Tl'azt'en Nation in
northern B.C., noted that non-Native people are generally not
well informed about Aboriginal issues.
"If you put a question to the public in British Columbia
and you understand the context in which these people are going
to vote, it's troubling," he said. "The context that
I will outline is simply this: In my own knowledge, the people
who live in communities next to us, their knowledge of our people
is very, very, very limited, very superficial, if it exists at
all. Now those are the people who are going to be asked to determine
the nature of the mandate for their government to bring to the
negotiating table."
John said that Allan McEachern, the former British Columbia chief
justice who presided over the Delgamuukw trial, was given every
opportunity to come to an understanding of the Aboriginal point
of view and that learned man handed down a decision that was
shredded by the Supreme Court of Canada.
"I talked to many of the chiefs and they felt that despite
all of the efforts and the time they had put into this one man
to understand who they were, that he did not get it. Now you
have a few months to try to educate the average citizen in this
province -¡ it's doomed to failure," he said.
John noted that the standing committee sessions have been poorly
attended so far.
"It probably goes to show that people may not have as much
interest in this initiative as politicians they ought to have
or may have," he said.
He also said the Liberal Party's claim to be polling the public
in the province would leave one part of the public out.
"When one party decides to take a time-out and say we want
to get a mandate from the people, I don't know it's wise that
the other two parties will be involved in the selling of that
mandate," said John. "Politically, it would not be
appropriate and, certainly, if there are any court challenges
in the future, it's likely that participation by First Nations
in the referendum, directly in the voting, will be raised as
an issue in the courts."
The other person to address the committee that evening, Marlie
Beets, vice president, Aboriginal affairs for the Council of
Forest Industries (COFI), said uncertainty over Aboriginal title
issues is a major problem for her industry.
"When Aboriginal people are looking for attention from the
media or government, they find it very convenient to hold forestry
operations hostage," she said. "What COFI would like
out of treaties is the end of those hostage situations and more
Aboriginal commercial involvement."
But the industry doesn't feel it should pay for any programs
that would increase Aboriginal participation, Beets said, adding
the province contributes resources so the federal government
should contribute money.
Native leaders scoff at the concept of the province saying it
pays its share by allowing access to resources. Native leaders
say the whole idea behind treaty talks is who owns the resources
and, therefore, the province can't claim credit for contributing
something it doesn't clearly own.
Beets said there's not much room for Native people in the industry
at the moment.
"We don't need an Aboriginal labor force. We already have
a labor force," she said.
Since Aboriginal people don't have a lot of investment capital
and their labor isn't needed, Beets said, they don't have a lot
to offer to the industry right now.
"To be brutally frank, what First Nations have to offer
to the industry is a commitment not to blockade," she said.
Top
Land grab angers Passamaquoddy people
Joan Taillon,
Windspeaker Staff Writer,
St. Andrews N.B.
A disagreement over who has jurisdiction over 4.6 acres in
this New Brunswick town may create a rift between locals identifying
themselves as members of the Passamaquoddy nation and their non-Native
neighbors who have been their friends for generations.
The dispute has caught the attention of the Maritimes' Native
leadership of the Atlantic Policy Congress of First Nation Chiefs
Secretariat, which is supporting Chief Hugh Akagi, although his
St. Croix Scoodic band is not accorded First Nations status by
the government of Canada.
A strongly worded statement issued by the chiefs berates the
town for "trying to sell Passmaquoddy sacred grounds and
promoting it as 'prime building lots'."
Akagi said there are graves there. His people want to keep the
property in a natural state. The town's mayor calls it an eyesore
that needs to be cleaned up.
The town's determination to sell the land for development "shows
the typical respect that the Mi'kmaq, Maliseet and Passamaquoddy
people receive from their neighboring municipalities when dealing
with the sacred and traditional lands, and we're not putting
up with it any longer," said congress co-chair Chief Second
Peter Barlow in the release.
The chiefs urge that the town "reconsider" its intention
to sell the land or prepare to face legal or other consequences.
St. Andrews' mayor, John Craig, said that town council decided
early in the month to table the matter until February. Craig
insists, however, "the land is not really in dispute--the
town does own it."
St. Andrews and the province say it is the federal government's
responsibility to sort out Native land claims. Everyone contacted
in this matter said the federal government does not recognize
Akagi 's group.
"It's more of a federal issue, said Mayor Craig. "We
don't look at it as an Indian issue. We're trying to keep the
Indian issue out of it altogether, because Native issues fall
under the federal government. As a town, we don't have the jurisdiction,
as far as I'm concerned.
"The province and the courts all say we own the land."
Town councillor Michael Craig, a "distant cousin" to
the mayor, thinks differently.
He said the town's refusal to acknowledge the existence of the
Passamaquoddy is an attempt to make it "all go away."
He thinks this is short-sighted and foolish. He also agreed with
Akagi that the Passamaquoddy and the non-Native residents of
the community get along and he would like that to continue.
"They (town council) don't seem to realize we're not living
in the days of smoke signals anymore. We have mass communication;
we have instant communication. And they (Native people) have
instant communication. . . . And like all of us, they're better
educated. There're more lawyers. There's more going on than a
lot of people realize."
"I think that might be a thing that scares a lot of people,
too," said Michael Craig. "They're very good at what
they do. They're very good at all aspects of our society, if
you willif you want to make that distinctionbut they
learn very quickly and are probably better at it in most things
than we are."
The mayor said a 700-name petition to conserve the "green
space" in the centre of town is not an endorsement by non-Natives
of the Passamaquoddy claim to the property, but simply means
that half the town's citizens have said they want the land to
remain undeveloped. Mayor Craig added that town council is preparing
to distribute maps to better inform people what the land consists
of, as he said he thought many who signed may not have had a
clear idea of exactly what land is proposed for development.
He said the 4.6 acres of "higher end" land near the
centre of town consists of nine building lots that will increase
the town's tax base by $20,000 if $150,000 to $200,000 homes
are erected there.
"We're trying to maximize the tax base of the town."
The alternative, he said, is to turn the small acreage into a
public park.
He indicated that if it were up to him, the matter would be dealt
with now, because putting a decision off allows more time for
bad feelings to fester.
He said that if at some time in the future the federal government
and the courts decided Akagi's people were entitled to the land,
the federal government would likely compensate them financially.
"That's not what we want," said Akagi. "We want
the land."
Akagi said the town has other property with water and sewer hookups
that is ready to be developed; he therefore imputes political
motives to the plan to take the last of the Passamoquoddy people's
land.
Having served three terms on council himself, he said his experience
tells him the mayor may be overstating the revenue that could
be gained from developing the property. Akagee said in the 1980s
the town borrowed $200,000 to put in infrastructure for another
development for which they carried interest on the debt for six
years. And then they had to drop the lot prices about $4,000
to sell them.
The Passamaquoddy people are worried that if the town sells these
lots, it would open the door for it to sell the remaining approximate
100 acres at Quonasqamkuk (Indian Point) that the Passamaquoddy
claim as their own.
"We own most of that anyway," said the mayor.
The town and the federal government maintain there is no Passamaquoddy
band in Canada. Their position is that the Native people in St.
Andrews belong, or may be eligible to belong, to the Passamaquoddy
tribe in the United States.
But both the Atlantic Policy Congress and Akagi say the St. Croix
Scoodic band of the Passamaquoddy in Canada never ceded its traditional
territory throughout 200 years of continuous encroachment by
the province and town.
Akagi, whose mother was "half Native" and his father
Japanese, said that although there supposedly are no Passamaquoddy
people in St. Andrews, the town nonetheless did not charge his
family property tax when his mother was alive. As soon as she
died in 1957, he said, the town began taxing his father.
A spokesman for the chiefs' group, J. J. Bear, likens the Passamaquoddy
people to the Innu, who until recently had not entered negotiations
with the federal government with respect to obtaining "status,"
but they nonetheless exist as a nation that other Aboriginal
peoples recognize.
"It is my opinion that if they (the Passamaquoddy) were
to launch an action suit to stop the sale, they would have the
support of technicians and lawyers from both the [congress] chiefs
and the Passamaquoddy tribal government in Maine," said
Bear.
Coon Come answers Nault
Paul Barnsley, Windspeaker Staff Writer, Ottawa
The national chief responded to the minister of Indian Affairs
on Sept. 26 in the latest round of a war of words over the minister's
First Nations governance initiative.
The Assembly of First Nations had hoped to join in the governance
consultations-and access federal funding-before a funding shortfall
forced the national organization to start laying off staff. But
when the AFN couldn't convince the minister to listen to their
idea of what the governance initiative should look like, the
chance that First Nations leaders would join in the consultations
effectively vanished. As of Oct. 24, no deal has been reached.
The consultations are due to wrap up on Oct. 31.
In an Oct. 16 press release, the AFN claimed the minister had
never entered into good faith negotiations on its budget.
"He removed all authority from the department to negotiate
the AFN budget and arbitrarily decided the organization's funding
levels," the release stated.
Coon Come announced that 70 employees or 64 per cent of
the workforce were laid off because of funding shortfalls.
A further 24 vacant positions will not be filled. Just 53 jobs
remain.
"The AFN is a national institution in Canada," the
national chief said. "It is the national voice for all First
Nation citizens living in our communities or in urban areas.
This action by the minister to silence us is an ominous sign
for all First Nations organizations in Canada. It could very
well be a sign that dissent to government policies will not be
tolerated and that our ability to fight for our rights will be
severely limited."
The minister's actions regarding governance are seen as heavy-handed
in many quarters. First Nations technicians increasingly are
wondering out loud how the federal government would react if
an outside entity tried to interfere with its powers by going
directly to Canadian citizens, rather than dealing with elected
representatives. In his letter to the minister, Coon Come reminded
Nault that the AFN was made up of duly elected political representatives
of First Nations people and those leaders deserved Ottawa's respect.
"[Y]our government legally recognizes the constituent base
of the AFN as representative, and the AFN receives its mandate
directly from them," he wrote.
Coon Come again reminded the federal minister that a variety
of exhaustive studies by respected bodies had made recommendations
to Canada on ways to improve conditions in First Nations communities.
He then told the minister his governance initiative was not consistent
with any of the high level advice the government had received
from royal commissions, academic studies or reports from domestic
or international committees.
"Consequently, many First Nations question whether the motivation
behind this process is primarily to diminish potential federal
liabilities rather than support First Nations in ever fully realizing
self government," he wrote.
Coon Come urged the minister to meet with him as soon as possible.
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